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But this year's march was a far cry from what it used to be in the late 2000s and early 2010s when thousands of people would join well-organised columns replete with banners, flags and drummers.Today, most of the leaders of the ultranationalist groups that used to organise the march are either in jail or in self-imposed exile.Ivan Beletsky, a close associate of Dyomushkin who took over organising the march in 2016, rejects the idea of cooptation and claims that "Great Russia" is a pro-government group.He says that the authorities tried but failed to take control of the Russian march in the late 2000s and were compelled to permit it in order to "cool down popular agitation".He was doing things for which others would go to jail.For four to five years, the justice system did not touch him," says Savelev.

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"In 2014, the Kremlin demanded full loyalty from all Russian nationalists," says Shekhovtsov.Their supporters consider them to be politically persecuted and complain about increasing state repression.Although the Kremlin has been accused of supporting conservative and far-right political groups in Europe, at home it seems to be becoming increasingly intolerant towards groups that propagate ideas similar to their Western counterparts.Large crowds in Tbilisi and Kiev demanded democratic change and major political reforms.The possibility of a colour revolution erupting in Russia seemed too real. Russian observers would later identify this strategy of employing nationalist forces as "controlled nationalism".

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